UBINIG Policy Paper on Climate & Agriculture APADKALIN SEED: Seeds for Emergency

The Role of Farmers’ Seed Practices in Confronting Climate Disasters
Introduction: Climate Crisis as a Crisis of Agricultural Time

Climate change is no longer a distant scientific projection for farming communities. It has become part of the everyday reality of cultivation. Farmers experience it through delayed monsoons, sudden heavy rainfall, prolonged drought, extreme heat, dense winter fog, waterlogging, salinity, cyclones, tidal surges, river erosion, and the increasingly uncertain arrival and departure of seasons.

For farmers, the central problem is not simply that the weather is becoming warmer or that rainfall is increasing or decreasing. The more immediate problem is that the established relationship between agricultural time and seasonal time is breaking down. Bangladesh can no longer follow the six seasons, known as ritu in their farming practices.

Farmers cultivate according to crop calendars developed through generations of observation, practice, memory, and experimentation. These calendars indicate when land should be prepared, seeds sown, seedlings transplanted, and crops harvested. They also help farmers anticipate rainfall, flooding, drought, insects, diseases, soil moisture, and other ecological conditions.

When climatic patterns become unstable, this entire sequence is disturbed. A seed may be sown at the historically appropriate time but washed away by sudden rain. A seedbed may dry out during an unexpected heatwave. A standing crop may be submerged shortly before harvest. Thick winter fog may damage mustard, potato, tomato, and vegetables. Waterlogging after untimely rain may prevent farmers from planting the next crop.

Climate change is therefore not merely producing occasional disasters. It is disrupting the temporal and ecological organization of agriculture itself. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has concluded that rising temperatures, changing rainfall patterns, extreme weather events, and ecological disruption are already affecting food production and rural livelihoods across the world (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC], 2022, 2023). Bangladesh is particularly exposed because agriculture, fisheries, livestock, water systems, and rural livelihoods remain highly sensitive to floods, drought, salinity, cyclones, heat, and rainfall variability (Government of Bangladesh, 2022).

In Bangla, farmers use the word apad to describe a calamity, danger, or unforeseen condition that interrupts ordinary life. A sudden flood, untimely rain, drought, crop disease, or loss of seed may all become an apad. Apadkalin Beez can therefore be translated as “seeds for times of crisis” or “emergency seeds.”

However, Apadkalin Beez means considerably more than storing an additional quantity of seed for use after a disaster. It describes a farmer-led method of anticipating uncertainty, preserving alternative courses of action, and restoring cultivation without waiting for seed markets, private companies, relief agencies, or government distribution programs.

The experience of Nayakrishi Andolon shows that seed conservation is not simply the preservation of genetic material. It is a continuous social and ecological process involving cultivation, observation, selection, regeneration, storage, exchange, and adaptation. By conserving and reproducing diverse crops and varieties, Nayakrishi farmers maintain the practical capacity to respond to climatic uncertainty.

Their seed practices therefore constitute both a climate adaptation strategy and a method of producing knowledge about climate change.

Climate Disruption and the Agricultural Calendar

Bangladesh has three broad cropping seasons. Kharif-I generally extends from mid-March to mid-July and includes Aus rice, jute, sesame, cotton, pigeon pea, and summer vegetables. Kharif-II runs approximately from mid-July to mid-November and includes transplanted Aman rice, broadcast Aman rice, groundnut, and late-summer vegetables. The Rabi season extends from mid-November to mid-March and includes wheat, potato, mustard, lentil, soybean, winter vegetables, and Boro rice.

Rice is cultivated across all three seasons: Aus during Kharif-I, Aman during Kharif-II, and Boro mainly during the Rabi season. Each rice season depends upon a particular relationship among rainfall, temperature, flooding, soil moisture, day length, and water availability.

Aus varieties generally have a relatively short duration, and many can grow under high temperatures, unreliable rainfall, and moisture stress. Aman rice includes varieties adapted to rain-fed conditions, different depths of flooding, and diverse floodplain and lowland ecosystems. Boro rice is cultivated during the dry season and usually depends heavily on irrigation.

Climate change affects crops not only through large and visible disasters but also by disturbing brief yet decisive moments within the crop cycle. A few days of heavy rain may destroy a seedbed. Excessive heat during flowering may reduce pollination. Dense fog may damage mustard, potato, tomato, and other winter crops. Waterlogging may delay planting even after rainfall has stopped.

Heavy rainfall, flooding, unpredictable seasonal weather, drought, and extreme temperatures could substantially affect both Aman and Boro production. A major failure of either crop—or of both crops in the same year—could create food insecurity and wider economic, social, and political instability (Ahmad, 2017). The consequences of climatic disruption thus accumulate across seasons. The loss of one crop also affects the crop that follows it.

Under these conditions, farmers need more than a single variety advertised as “climate-resilient.” They need a diverse and continuously functioning seed system that allows them to change crops, varieties, planting dates, field locations, and cultivation methods.

The decisive question is not merely whether one seed can tolerate drought or another can survive temporary submergence. The question is whether farmers possess a sufficiently diverse range of seeds to reorganize production when ecological conditions change unexpectedly.

Beyond the Technological Fix

The dominant institutional response to climatic stress has generally been to develop varieties described as flood-tolerant, drought-tolerant, salt-tolerant, heat-tolerant, or cold-tolerant. Scientific plant breeding can contribute valuable characteristics, and public agricultural research has an important role in addressing climatic risks.

The problem arises when climate adaptation is reduced to the distribution of a small number of standardized varieties designed for widespread geographical use and dependent on prescribed packages of chemical fertilizer, pesticide, irrigation, credit, and purchased inputs.

This approach treats climate change as a technical defect that can be corrected by supplying a technology-improved seed. But climatic conditions are dynamic, locally differentiated, and increasingly uncertain. A variety developed to tolerate one identified stress may remain vulnerable to another. A flood-tolerant crop may encounter drought later in the same season. A short-duration rice variety may escape a late flood but fail under exceptional heat, fog, disease, or pest pressure.

A crop may survive climatic stress yet produce insufficient straw for cattle, provide inadequate household nutrition, or require inputs that farmers cannot obtain after a disaster.

Technological innovation is not inherently static. However, a technological package becomes rigid when it assumes that farmers will cultivate under predetermined conditions and receive necessary inputs from functioning markets. Climate disasters frequently destroy precisely those conditions. Roads may become inaccessible, seed dealers may run out of stock, farmers may lose their income, irrigation systems may fail, and the same commercially promoted seed may become scarce across an entire region.

The Nayakrishi approach is different. It does not begin by searching for a universally superior seed. It begins with the conservation and cultivation of diversity. Its central question is not simply: Which variety produces the highest grain yield under prescribed conditions? Instead, it asks: Which combination of crops and varieties enables a farming community to continue producing food, nutrition, fodder, fiber, fuel, medicine, biological materials, and income under changing ecological conditions?

Research on resilient seed systems similarly shows that adaptation depends on crop and varietal diversity, locally adapted seeds, multiple channels of seed access, community exchange networks, and the ability of farmers to experiment and make decisions (Alliance of Bioversity International & CIAT, 2024; Vernooy et al., 2015).

Seed diversity distributes risk. When one variety fails, another may survive. When the original crop can no longer be planted, another crop may still fit the remaining season.

Seed Conservation as a Living Practice

A seed stored in a container is not necessarily a conserved seed. Seeds remain alive and agriculturally meaningful only when they are periodically planted, observed, selected, harvested, processed, stored, exchanged, and planted again.

Conservation therefore requires regeneration. It is a cyclical relationship among the seed, the farmer, the field, the household, the community, and the ecosystem.

Nayakrishi farmers conserve seed at several interconnected levels. Seed is first maintained within farming households. Women farmers have historically played a central role in selecting, cleaning, drying, storing, testing, and exchanging seeds. Household conservation is connected to village seed networks, the Specialized Women Seed Network, Seed Huts, and Community Seed Wealth Centers.

These institutions do not operate as conventional seed warehouses. Their purpose is to keep seed alive, reproducible, accessible, and in circulation.

A farmer receiving seed from a Community Seed Wealth Center cultivates and regenerates it and is generally expected to return a greater quantity after harvest. The seed is therefore multiplied rather than depleted. Its performance is observed in actual fields rather than only under research-station conditions.

Knowledge remains attached to the seed: its sowing time, crop duration, preferred soil, water requirements, taste, cooking quality, nutritional use, straw production, fodder value, response to flood or drought, and suitability for particular agroecological zones.

The Nayakrishi seed system combines in situ conservation in farmers’ fields with organized community-level conservation. Its strength lies not only in the number of varieties maintained but also in the social relationships through which seeds, observations, and knowledge move between households and regions (Mazhar, 2019; Mazhar et al., 2001).

UBINIG and Nayakrishi documentation recorded 955 Aus, Aman, and Boro rice varieties in floodplains, the Barind Tract, haor regions, and coastal areas. These varieties represent different combinations of crop duration, plant height, response to flooding, capacity to withstand drought, grain quality, taste, nutritional use, straw production, and cultural significance (UBINIG, 2010).

This diversity is not an ornamental collection of objects inherited from the past. It is an active field of biological possibilities for present and future adaptation.

Selection as the Production of Knowledge

Nayakrishi farmers do not merely preserve inherited varieties unchanged. Through cultivation and selection, they continually assess which plants perform well under particular ecological conditions.

Seeds may be selected from plants that mature earlier, survive waterlogging, remain productive under moisture stress, resist lodging, provide more straw, retain desirable taste, or perform well without chemical fertilizer and pesticide.

Each farming household consequently becomes a site of decentralized research. Farmers compare crops across fields and seasons. They observe plant height, flowering, grain formation, disease, insect damage, soil moisture, water depth, taste, storage quality, and animal feeding value.

These observations may not always be recorded in the language of institutional science, but they involve comparison, repetition, memory, judgment, testing, and verification.

When many farmers cultivate a variety under different conditions, their accumulated experience produces knowledge about the range within which that variety can perform. Climate adaptation is therefore not a one-time intervention. It is a continuous process of learning and adjustment.

Farmers observe changes in rainfall, temperature, soil moisture, insects, plant growth, flowering, and harvest time. They compare the present season with previous seasons. They alter sowing dates, retain additional seed, replace crops, test different varieties, and exchange observations with neighbors. Through this process, farmers do not merely react to climate change. They interpret it.

The ability to interpret ecological change is weakened when farmers become dependent on purchased seed that cannot be reliably reproduced, or when diverse seed systems are displaced by a small number of uniform commercial varieties.

Under such conditions, farmers lose both biological options and opportunities to produce knowledge. Farmer-managed seed systems are therefore essential not only for ensuring seed supply but also for maintaining the practical intelligence required to respond to ecological instability (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations [FAO], 2019; Vernooy et al., 2015).

What Makes a Seed an Apadkalin Seed?

An Apadkalin seed is not necessarily a separate botanical category. It acquires its emergency role through the way it is selected, stored, organized, and incorporated into a wider cultivation plan.

An emergency seed may consist of an additional quantity of the same crop, reserved for replanting if the first sowing fails. It may be another variety of the same crop with a shorter duration, a different planting window, or different water requirements. It may also be the seed of a completely different crop that can be planted when the original crop no longer fits the remaining season.

For example, if jute seedlings fail during drought, farmers may replant jute after rainfall if they have retained additional seed. If the season has advanced too far, they may instead plant sesame as a cash crop or dhaincha for fibre, fuel, biomass, or soil improvement.

If heat, drought, and impaired pollination damage eggplant, okra, or chilli, farmers may move toward yard-long bean, bitter gourd, sponge gourd, or other crops locally observed to perform better under dry and hot conditions.

If lowland fields remain waterlogged, vegetables may be planted in pots, sacks, raised beds, homestead areas, or along elevated field boundaries.

Emergency seed planning thus involves several interconnected forms of diversity: crop diversity, varietal diversity, differences in crop duration, different sowing windows, different land types, and different nutritional and economic uses.

The objective is not always to reproduce the lost crop exactly. The aim is to maintain the continuity of food production, household nutrition, livestock fodder, biological regeneration, and income.

An emergency seed portfolio must include crops and varieties with different planting and harvesting times. It must also be locally accessible. Seed stored hundreds of kilometres away, or available only through a commercial dealer, may be of little use immediately after a local disaster.

Seed resilience depends on proximity, social access, timely availability, and farmers’ ability to reproduce the seed.

Farmers’ Observations from Sirajganj and Tangail

Farmers in Sirajganj report that drought itself is not historically unknown. In earlier times, village children sang, “Allah megh de, pani de”—“Allah, give us clouds and water”—during Chaitra and Baishakh so that families could sow Aus rice, jute, and Aman.

Farmers remember that rainfall could arrive late, but seasonal patterns remained sufficiently recognizable to guide cultivation. The present difficulty is that disruption affects several seasons in different and unpredictable ways. Monsoon rain may fail or suddenly become excessive. Winter may be unusually warm, intensely cold, or dominated by dense fog.

These changes affect more than crops. During extreme heat and drought, cattle and goats struggle to find grass and spend more time searching for water. Poor farmers may be compelled to sell goats at low prices because adequate fodder is unavailable. Fruit trees grow slowly, while farmers report changes in the aroma, taste, or quality of pulses and other crops.

Climate stress thus travels through the entire farm ecosystem.

In Tangail, farmers reported that the 2025 monsoon arrived approximately one month later than expected. There was little rain during Baishakh. Rain began in Jaistha and continued intermittently until Sraban. Bhadra then brought severe heat and drought.

Eggplant, okra, and chili suffered from slow growth, flower drop, and poor pollination. Farmers responded by shifting toward yard-long bean, bitter gourd, sponge gourd, and other crops that they considered better able to withstand the prevailing conditions.

Later, sudden rain in Kartik caused waterlogging and damaged Rabi vegetables, including radish, red amaranth, cauliflower, cabbage, and tomato. Pulse crops were submerged. Mustard planting was delayed, while planted onions began to rot. Some Aman rice had to be harvested earlier than expected.

Livestock could not graze and had to be fed dry straw, banana plants, and water hyacinth.

These experiences demonstrate why climate adaptation cannot be organized around a single crop or a single supposedly resilient variety. Farmers must simultaneously consider rice, vegetables, pulses, oilseeds, livestock fodder, homestead production, water conditions, and the transition from one season to another.

Seed planning is inseparable from the integrated management of the farm.

Emergency Seeds in Practice

Nayakrishi farmers in Ishwardi and Atghoria in Pabna have used organised emergency seed arrangements since 2022. Untimely and excessive rainfall damaged commercially cultivated beans, eggplants, and other vegetables.

In one documented incident, approximately 360 farmers lost crops across around 260 acres of land. Many conventional farmers had no seed remaining for replanting and left their land fallow. By contrast, 112 Nayakrishi farmers obtained emergency seed from a Community Seed Wealth Centre and cultivated their land again. Some farmers outside the Nayakrishi network were also supported with seed.

A similar incident occurred in Natore, where 38 farmers lost bean crops cultivated on approximately eight acres. Seventeen Nayakrishi farmers replanted using emergency seed and obtained a successful harvest.

The importance of these cases does not lie only in the number of farmers or acres involved. They demonstrate that immediate access to viable seed can determine whether a household resumes cultivation or abandons production for the remainder of the season.

In 2024, excessive rainfall reportedly washed away Aman seedbeds prepared by 216 farmers for approximately 180 acres. The Community Seed Wealth Centre and Seed Hut distributed emergency seed of varieties including Dholdigha, Pakri, Bhorilota, Madva, and Koromcha.

The institutional seed collection itself also suffered crop losses. Yet the emergency reserve enabled the continued regeneration of 142 rice varieties that might otherwise have disappeared from cultivation during that season.

In 2025, heavy winter fog damaged mustard crops cultivated by 54 farmers in Natore and 82 farmers in Atghoria. Seeds supplied through community institutions allowed affected farmers to cultivate mustard again where the remaining season permitted.

These experiences have led farmers to express a powerful principle: seed for emergencies must be secured before grain is allocated for food.

This statement does not undervalue food. It recognizes that seed is the condition of the next harvest. Grain meets an immediate need; seed maintains the possibility of continued production.

Unless otherwise indicated, these field accounts and numerical records are drawn from UBINIG and Nayakrishi Andolon documentation compiled between 2022 and 2025 (UBINIG & Nayakrishi Andolon, 2025).

Why Seed May Be More Important Than Cash

A farmer may possess money after a disaster but still be unable to obtain the appropriate seed. Seed markets may not carry the necessary crop, variety, or quantity. Dealers may offer seeds unsuitable for the remaining season or local ecosystem.

Prices may rise because many farmers need the same seed at the same time. Roads and transport systems may be disrupted. Commercial seed may arrive after the remaining planting window has already closed.

Seed security cannot therefore be reduced to cash purchasing power.

It involves the timely availability of viable seed of suitable crops and varieties, farmers’ access to that seed, and their ability to cultivate, select, and reproduce it.

Community seed systems address these conditions more effectively than emergency cash alone because they keep seed close to the places where it will be needed.

In Tangail, farmer Sabina Begum described rain-fed cultivation as a “lottery game.” Farmers must sow without knowing whether rain will arrive, whether it will continue, or whether their seeds will be destroyed before germination.

Her household therefore keeps additional rice and vegetable seeds, including Chiniguri, Kalijira, BR-29, pumpkin, amaranth, okra, and eggplant. More than ten farmers in her neighbourhood have reportedly adopted similar practices (S. Begum, personal communication, 2025).

The spread of emergency seed conservation beyond established Nayakrishi farmers is significant. It indicates that the practice is not merely an organizational instruction. Farmers are adopting it because they find it useful under actual conditions of climatic uncertainty.

Women, Homestead Production, and Distributed Resilience

Women farmers have long preserved additional seed for crops that can be replanted within the same season. Their role becomes particularly important when field cultivation is disrupted.

If low-lying agricultural land is flooded or waterlogged, women may reorganize production in homestead areas, courtyards, raised platforms, sacks, pots, and field boundaries.

During flooding in 2025, cucumber, sponge gourd, ash gourd, eggplant, chili, and other homestead crops were damaged in parts of Tangail. Floodwater remained for around 15 days. Because farmers had retained emergency seed, they were able to plant again.

Where fields remained submerged, seedlings were raised in containers, bags, and elevated spaces.

This dispersed cultivation may appear small when measured field by field, but its contribution to household nutrition and recovery can be substantial. Homestead areas supply vegetables, spices, leafy greens, medicinal plants, fodder, and planting materials. They also serve as decentralized sites of seed conservation and regeneration.

Climate policy often focuses on large infrastructure, major crops, formal research, and national institutions. It tends to overlook the small, distributed, and frequently women-led practices through which rural households survive disruption.

Recognition of emergency seed systems therefore requires recognition of women not as passive victims of climate change, but as seed conservers, experimenters, food producers, and decision-makers.

From Coping Mechanism to Farmer-Led Climate Strategy

Emergency seeds are sometimes described as a coping mechanism. This description is too narrow.

Coping generally implies a temporary reaction that allows people to endure a shock without changing the underlying system. Nayakrishi seed practices do considerably more. They build the capacity to anticipate shocks, diversify options, reorganize production, learn from crop failure, and strengthen collective institutions.

The strategic character of the practice rests on four interconnected processes.

First, conservation maintains a broad biological base. Without crop and varietal diversity, farmers have few alternatives when conditions change.

Second, regeneration keeps seed alive and allows varieties to continue interacting with changing local environments. Seed kept permanently in storage cannot perform this function.

Third, selection produces knowledge. Through repeated cultivation and comparison, farmers identify useful ecological, nutritional, and agronomic characteristics.

Fourth, exchange distributes risk socially. A household that has lost seed may obtain it from neighbors, a Seed Hut, or a Community Seed Wealth Center. The loss experienced by one farmer does not have to become a permanent loss for the entire community.

Together, these practices create a distributed system of ecological intelligence.

No central institution possesses all the seed or information. Knowledge and biological resources remain dispersed among many households and localities, but they are connected through relations of exchange, trust, shared practice, and collective responsibility.

Nayakrishi farmers are therefore not merely implementing a climate adaptation policy designed elsewhere. Through seed conservation, regeneration, selection, and exchange, they are defining the principles on which climate adaptation should be based.

These principles are diversity rather than uniformity, regeneration rather than one-time distribution, cooperation rather than proprietary control, local accessibility rather than distant supply chains, and farmer decision-making rather than dependence on external experts.

Policy Implications

A national climate adaptation strategy should recognize farmer-managed seed systems as essential public and community infrastructure.

Community Seed Wealth Centers, Seed Huts, household seed stores, specialized women’s seed networks, and farmer-to-farmer exchange should not be treated as marginal or informal remnants awaiting replacement by the commercial seed sector.

They are institutions of food security, biodiversity conservation, disaster recovery, and climate adaptation.

Public policy should support the documentation, cultivation, and regeneration of locally adapted varieties without removing them from farmers’ control. Seed laws, registration requirements, certification systems, and intellectual property regimes must not obstruct or criminalize farmers’ rights to save, reproduce, select, improve, exchange, and sell their seeds.

Climate programs should not define adaptation only through the distribution of newly developed varieties. Public research institutions can make important contributions by working with farmers, studying existing diversity, supporting participatory varietal selection, and strengthening locally governed seed networks.

Scientific knowledge and farmers’ knowledge do not need to be treated as mutually exclusive. The crucial issue is whether scientific institutions expand farmers’ practical and decision-making capacities or make them more dependent on proprietary seed and external inputs.

Emergency seed portfolios should be developed for different agroecological zones. Floodplains, haor areas, coastal regions, the drought-prone Barind Tract, char lands, and waterlogged areas require different crops and varieties.

Such planning should consider not only rice yield but also crop duration, nutrition, taste, fodder, straw, fuel, soil improvement, household consumption, market use, and the needs of women, land-poor households, and livestock.

However, emergency seed cannot solve problems created by destructive development.

Waterlogging caused by roads, embankments, blocked canals, poorly designed infrastructure, industrial encroachment, or drainage failure should not be presented as an unavoidable natural disaster. Seed reserves can help farmers recover, but they cannot replace public action against projects and policies that repeatedly cause crop failure.

Climate adaptation must distinguish between climatic hazards and politically produced vulnerability.

Conclusion: The Capacity to Begin Again

The importance of Apadkalin Beez lies in a simple but profound fact: after a crop has been destroyed, the farmer must be able to begin again.

Recovery starts not with an abstract promise of future assistance, but with timely access to a viable seed suited to the land, the remaining season, and the needs of the household.

Nayakrishi farmers build this capacity through conservation, regeneration, selection, and sharing. They preserve different varieties because no one can know in advance which conditions will prevail. They regenerate seeds because conservation without cultivation eventually becomes biological isolation. They select seeds because adaptation requires continuous learning. They share seeds because resilience cannot be secured by isolated households acting alone.

This practice changes the meaning of climate policy.

Climate adaptation is often imagined as an intervention delivered to vulnerable farmers by governments, researchers, corporations, or development agencies. The Nayakrishi experience shows that farmers are already producing adaptation strategies through their everyday practices.

Their fields are sites of observation and experimentation. Their seed collections are repositories of biological possibilities. Their social networks are institutions of collective recovery.

Seed diversity cannot remove climatic danger. Nor can emergency seed reserves compensate for unchecked greenhouse gas emissions, destructive infrastructure, river mismanagement, groundwater depletion, or corporate control over agriculture.

But without living seed diversity in farmers’ hands, climate adaptation becomes increasingly dependent on unstable markets, external inputs, and centralized supply systems.

Apadkalin Beez is therefore more than seed kept for an emergency. It is the organized capacity of a farming community to preserve options, respond to uncertainty, and renew production after loss.

It represents a shift from waiting for disaster relief to creating the biological, material, intellectual, and social conditions of recovery beforehand.

At a time when climate change is making agricultural time increasingly unpredictable, the collective ability to begin again may become one of the most important foundations of food sovereignty.

Source Note

Unless otherwise indicated, accounts of climatic events, crop losses, seed recovery, varietal replacement, and farmers’ observations presented in this article are drawn from UBINIG and Nayakrishi Andolon’s field documentation and discussions with farmers in Tangail, Sirajganj, Pabna, and Natore between 2022 and 2025. The information from the field was provided by Ajmira Khatun, Fahima Khatun Liza, and Rabiul Islam Chunnu. The analysis also draws upon Nayakrishi’s documented principles of biodiversity-based ecological agriculture, farmer-managed seed conservation, and Community Seed Wealth.

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